By Benjamin Balthaser
Anti-Imperialist Modernism excavates how U.S. cross-border, multi-ethnic anti-imperialist routine at mid-century formed what we comprehend as cultural modernism and the ancient interval of the good melancholy. The publication demonstrates how U.S. multiethnic cultural events, positioned in political events, small journals, exertions unions, and struggles for racial liberation, helped build a typical feel of foreign harmony that critiqued rules of nationalism and essentialized racial id. The booklet hence strikes past bills that experience tended to view the pre-war “Popular entrance” via tropes of nationwide belonging or an abandonment of the cosmopolitanism of prior a long time. notable archival learn brings to gentle the ways that a transnational imaginative and prescient of modernism and modernity was once formed via anti-colonial networks of North/South harmony. Chapters learn farmworker photographers in California’s crucial valley, a Nez Perce highbrow touring to the Soviet Union, imaginations of the Haitian Revolution, the reminiscence of the U.S.–Mexico conflict, and U.S. radical writers touring to Cuba. The final bankruptcy examines how the chilly warfare foreclosed those events inside a nationalist framework, whilst activists and intellectuals needed to suppress the transnational nature in their routine, frequently rewriting the cultural prior to comply to a patriotic narrative of nationwide belonging.
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Extra resources for Anti-Imperialist Modernism: Race and Transnational Radical Culture from the Great Depression to the Cold War
As Foley notes, written into much postmodern and New Left theory is a latent anticommunism. Yet also written into the assumptions of postmodern and post–New Left theory in the United States is the belief in social progress, that cultural and political movements in the United States have become more egalitarian, more transnational, more open to questions of difference, more sophisticated in the way questions of whiteness, empire, power, and sexuality are addressed. While there is no question that the United States has become more open to many questions of difference within the public sphere since the 1930s—especially along fault lines of race, sexuality, and domesticity—there is a great deal of evidence to suggest that contemporary social movements along questions of race, militarism, and empire have lost a focus on inter-and transnational solidarity, as well as institutional and material means to con- Introduction • 31 nect these issues to the daily lives of working people and the imaginary of artists and intellectuals.
Owned sugar plantations in Cuba, during which he was arrested before he even stepped onshore and was held for nearly two days in a military prison. S. proletarian theater, that Cuba loomed large in his imagination—spurring him to write a play, numerous articles, and engage in a speaking tour—suggests a great deal about the prominence of anti-imperialist thought among the “populist” Left. Inspired by Cuba’s long history of antiracist and anti-imperialist movements, Langston Hughes and Josephine Herbst also traveled to Cuba to envision a mestizo America based on egalitarian multiethnic solidarity—Herbst writing about socialist farming collectives on the island, and Hughes collaborating with Nicolás Guillén to formulate a postnationalist radical politics.
Citizenship. For Ernest Hemingway, the novel To Have and Have Not was his one attempt, in his own words, to write a social protest fiction. S. hegemonic domination of Latin America. In doing so however, Hemingway’s text reveals the centrality of empire and race in the production of a white working-class subject. S. S. claims about itself as a democratically defined republic. S. empire, reveal the generic considerations of the Popular Front as ones that demand both a national and a postnational imaginary.