By Kumar Ramakrishna, See Seng Tan
This booklet seriously analyses the explicit risk of terrorism in Southeast Asia because the Bali blasts of 12 October 2002 and the US-led battle on Iraq. It bargains a finished and demanding exam of the ideological, socioeconomic and political motivations, trans-regional linkages, and media representations of the terrorist probability within the area, assesses the efficacy of the nearby counter-terror reaction and indicates a extra balanced and nuanced method of battling the fear probability in Southeast Asia. The members contain top students of political Islam within the sector, well known terrorism and neighborhood defense analysts, in addition to extremely popular neighborhood reporters and commentators. This represents an impressive and unmatched mix of craftsmanship.
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This e-book severely analyses the categorical danger of terrorism in Southeast Asia because the Bali blasts of 12 October 2002 and the US-led conflict on Iraq. It bargains a accomplished and demanding exam of the ideological, socioeconomic and political motivations, trans-regional linkages, and media representations of the terrorist hazard within the area, assesses the efficacy of the neighborhood counter-terror reaction and indicates a extra balanced and nuanced method of fighting the fear risk in Southeast Asia.
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Extra resources for After Bali: The Threat of Terrorism in Southeast Asia
As several contributors to this volume show, a major, paradoxical factor introducing friction in the conduct of ASEAN counter-terror policy is the United States itself. Or as prominent US scholar Chalmers Johnson bluntly put it, his government's reaction to 9 / 1 1 has "made an already terrible situation worse". 52 It is not merely that radical Islamist ideology portrays Washington as the primary enemy of Islam, though this is certainly crucial. It is that Washington's attitudes, policies and behaviour toward the Muslim world reinforce such negative stereotypes promoted by the radicals.
He observes that the increasing trend toward concentration of global media ownership, exemplified by the increasing consolidation of power amongst If Southeast Asia a "Terrorist Haven"? 13 an increasingly smaller number of players such as, for example, AOL Time Warner, Viacom and Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation, is driven by economic considerations, deregulation and technological developments. This however, has not necessarily been accompanied by "an increase in quality of content and programming": Wherever you look in the communication media today, there is a feeling that content has become dumber and weaker as a pragmatic choice of publishers and broadcasters who have consciously selected quantity of readers over quality of content.
Dyer reckons that while the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), for example, is not anti-Muslim, it has nevertheless found itself "responding to a definition of international news that makes 'violent Muslims' more newsworthy than violent people in other places". Dyer acknowledges that ultimately, this definition is rooted in an agenda "set mainly by the dominant US media". The modalities of communications technology are another factor hindering accurate, substantive news coverage. Woodier points out that television is a very powerful medium of influence in Asia, but that it emphasizes "perceptions", "pictures and emotions" over analysis.